By Felix K. Ameka, Mary Esther Kropp Dakubu
This publication explores the thesis that during the Kwa languages of West Africa, element and modality are extra crucial to the grammar of the verb than stressful. the place demanding marking has emerged it really is perpetually within the expression of the longer term, and as a result involved in the approaching actualization or potentiality of an occasion, therefore with modality, instead of the simply temporal sequencing linked to demanding. the first grammatical contrasts are perfective as opposed to imperfective.The major languages mentioned are Akan, Dangme, Ewe, Ga and Tuwuli whereas Nzema-Ahanta, Likpe and jap Gbe also are pointed out. wisdom approximately those languages has deepened significantly up to now decade or so and ideas approximately their constitution have replaced. the amount for this reason provides novel analyses of grammatical varieties just like the so-called S-Aux-O-V-Other or "future" structures, and offers empirical info for theorizing approximately element and modality. it's going to be of substantial curiosity to Africanist linguists, typologists, and creolists attracted to substrate concerns.
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Additional info for Aspect and Modality in Kwa Languages (Studies in Language Companion Series)
3 A Note on the Functions of the Segment na In the previous section reference was made to the Past and Future Time markers na and na. In this section we comment further on these two Time markers and other particles which are phonologically similar, to make the material presented later easier to follow. The segmental sequence [na] represented in the Akan orthography as na may bear a high or low tone depending upon meaning and function. ’ (75) 33 a-n-hu no PAST-NEG-see him This is the least important of the na forms from the point of view of this study.
They both have the segmental phonemic form a when used in the affirmative. The expression a-di can mean both ‘have/has eaten’ (Perfect) and ‘in order to eat’ (Infinitive). The tone on the affix can be high or low depending upon phonological context. It is high in the context of a preceding high tone but low if preceded by a low. For example: (123) a. b. (124) a. b. A. BOADI (125) a. b. (126) a. b. that he INF-eat ‘in order for him to eat it’ Both affixes can be negated. Note, however, that as stressed earlier, the negative of the Perfect Yàw à-dí ‘Yaw has eaten it’ is Yàw n-dí-ì ‘Yaw has not eaten it’, and not Yàw à-n-dí ‘Yaw did not eat it’, whereas the negative of the Infinitive nà Yàw à-dí ‘in order for Yaw to eat it’ is nà Yàw à-n-dí ‘in order for Yaw not to eat it’.
In spite of this, I have put the Perfect together with the “true” aspects for both semantic and distributional reasons. Of the non-aspectual verbal affixes in Akan, the Perfect is the only one that says something about the time of the event expressed by the verb. Secondly, it belongs to the Finite group of affixes and co-occurs with the particles which express Present, Future and Past Time. Comrie (1976) refers to different types of Perfect according to the meaning they express. These are (1) the Perfect of result; (2) the Perfect of persistent situation; (3) the Experiential Perfect; and (4) the Perfect of recent past.
Aspect and Modality in Kwa Languages (Studies in Language Companion Series) by Felix K. Ameka, Mary Esther Kropp Dakubu