By Olena Nikolayenko
The political outlook of children within the international locations of the previous Soviet Union is essential to their international locations’ destiny political improvement. This is particularly appropriate now because the first iteration with no firsthand event of communism at the start hand is drawing close maturity. in keeping with large unique study and together with new survey learn among kids, this booklet examines younger people’s political outlook in nations of the previous Soviet Union; it compares and contrasts Russia, the place authoritarianism has began to reassert itself, and Ukraine, which skilled a democratic leap forward within the aftermath of the Orange Revolution. The ebook examines questions similar to: How supportive is that this new iteration of the recent political order? What photographs of the Soviet Union be successful within the minds of children? How a lot belief does formative years position in present political and public associations? Addressing those questions is essential to figuring out the level to which the present regimes can live to tell the tale at the wave of public help. The e-book argues that Russian children are likely to position extra belief within the incumbent president and harbour extra regrets in regards to the disintegration of the Soviet Union than their friends in Ukraine; it demonstrates that adolescents mistrust political events and politicians, and that patriotic schooling shapes social and political values.
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Extra info for Citizens in the Making in Post-Soviet States
Taking into account this argument, this book distinguishes between attachment to the "old" political community (the Soviet Union) and the "new" one (Russia or Ukraine, respectively). Case selection Since the end of the Cold War, the number of countries displaying a combination of democratic and authoritarian attributes has expanded. Freedom House indicates that the number of states "in which there is limited respect for political rights and civil liberties" has grown from 38 in 1972 to 55 in 2002 (Karatnycky 2003).
In 1990, more than half of citizens in Czechoslovakia, Lithuania, Poland, and Romania associated democracy with freedom (Simon 1998). In addition, the impoverished population conflated the economic prosperity of Western societies with democracy. Meanwhile, democracy can disrupt the lives of ordinary citizens because it grants individuals the freedom to protest and it slows down policymaking processes. In particular, students of Russian politics tend to scrutinize the ranking of public preferences when it comes to choosing between social order and liberal democracy (Bahry, Boaz, and Gordon 1997; Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1997; Sakwa 1995).
Note: The percentages refer to the proportion of respondents who reported support for democracy within the sample of respondents who associated democracy with a specific concept (freedom, good governance, or independence). the connection between democracy and national independence supersedes concerns about good governance among Ukrainian adolescents. Further reinforcing the east-west regional cleavage, the conceptual connection of the Orange Revolution to democracy boosts democratic support in Lviv and weakens it in Donetsk.
Citizens in the Making in Post-Soviet States by Olena Nikolayenko